WHO ARE THE BAIGA?
Purpose of this Study: To understand how the lives and culture of Baigas have been affected by displacement from the forest and from contact with other, agriculturally-developed communities, and to create a platform of understanding for how they can be empowered.
Methods: I began my study with only a hint of knowledge of the geography, habitat, or background history of the cultural and occupational traditions of the Baigas. While a seemingly a haphazard approach, this would turn out to work in my favor as the study overtime evolved by itself. Beginning as an ethnographic observational study, held together by interviews with the villagers, it would later become better refined, developed, and tailored by readings I found along the way and as well as by meetings with local historians and professors. Underneath it all, the most important findings were the inferences made by connecting observations in the first few days with my better conceptualized viewpoint towards the end of the 20 days. Interviews and interactions with the members of around 15 villages were compared with an anthropologic study written in 1939 by a man named Elwin Verrier.
Definitions: Panchayat= village level governing body. Tola=Community, Village Adiwasi=Hindi word for indigenous person. Hand=a term of measurement from the inner elbow to the tip of ones fingers. Gunia=village shahman, medicine man. Mandir=Temple, Punda: Priest, ritualist. Surpanch=Panchayat head.
Methods: I began my study with only a hint of knowledge of the geography, habitat, or background history of the cultural and occupational traditions of the Baigas. While a seemingly a haphazard approach, this would turn out to work in my favor as the study overtime evolved by itself. Beginning as an ethnographic observational study, held together by interviews with the villagers, it would later become better refined, developed, and tailored by readings I found along the way and as well as by meetings with local historians and professors. Underneath it all, the most important findings were the inferences made by connecting observations in the first few days with my better conceptualized viewpoint towards the end of the 20 days. Interviews and interactions with the members of around 15 villages were compared with an anthropologic study written in 1939 by a man named Elwin Verrier.
Definitions: Panchayat= village level governing body. Tola=Community, Village Adiwasi=Hindi word for indigenous person. Hand=a term of measurement from the inner elbow to the tip of ones fingers. Gunia=village shahman, medicine man. Mandir=Temple, Punda: Priest, ritualist. Surpanch=Panchayat head.
Introduction: Baihar is a township located in the heart of Baiga country, North-East Balaghat District, Madhya Pradesh. The range of socio-economic status and retention of traditional cultural representations is quite surprising, as through contact with other communities, many Baigas have fused their habits with those of others. The origins of the name Baiga define the tribe as decendents from sorcerers or medicine men. At a time long past the name Baiga was also applied in the central providences to anyone who served as a village priest. The Paedhan. The Ghasiya , the Kharwar, the Gond, and many Hindu castes had used the word in this sense. What little evidence we have suggests the Baiga to be of the earliest settlements of all, that Kol and Gond neighbors regard them as priests knowing the original secrets of the local soil, and they had once looked up to them as an older race. In the modern society of Baihar these ties have been long since severed, as migration of Baiga from their indigenous lands have caused there to be much confusion as to who the oldest inhabitants are.
While Known for their reluctance to conform and come into contact with other groups, many have been forced to assimilate, or risk the isolation that would be unfavorable to survival in their new habitations. Once independent and able to sustain life and culture in the forest, those who have recently moved to the planes have had a very hard time falling into place. Baigas have come from a long lineage of forest dwellers, and even those settled in the plains have emotional and physical dependence on the woods.
While Known for their reluctance to conform and come into contact with other groups, many have been forced to assimilate, or risk the isolation that would be unfavorable to survival in their new habitations. Once independent and able to sustain life and culture in the forest, those who have recently moved to the planes have had a very hard time falling into place. Baigas have come from a long lineage of forest dwellers, and even those settled in the plains have emotional and physical dependence on the woods.
Story of Displacement- Even as far back as the 1930s, Baiga had experienced harassment by the hands of Forest Guards and British Officers. During this time there were lose restrictions on hunting of tigers and leopards, yet limitations were imposed upon many indigenous people (verrier). A family I had visited in the living in the center of Baihar, who went by the surname and Hindu caste, Gupta, showcased their great-grandfathers exploits of hunting by continuing to hang three big-cat pelts on their walls. Their house, which once served as lodging for British officers was given to their relatives after Indian Independence, as a gift for his service and guidance in acquiring forest resources.
The time surrounding independence remains obscure in relation to this county, yet many of the Baigas could offer their tales of mistreatment during the middle of the 20th Century. Older members of Mawala Village remember a time where they were made to work for no pay at the soon to be Kanha Wildlife preserve. Shukkal Singh attested that in 1965 they were forced into slavery by forest officials and then in 1970 they were pushed out to make way for the tiger preserve.
Out of the twelve villages that I made contact with during the study, five had been composed primarily of refugees from Kanha. All had varying socio-economic standings, but of the most destitute Baiga, their conditions could be attributed to extreme isolation and lack access to information as to inputs of empowerment. Illiteracy, economic vulnerability, and being by nature wary of the influence of other communities leaves a greater percentage of Baiga behind in terms of development. Others had insult added to injury when they came to settle in new lands only to be further exploited and subjugated by the communities around them, as was the case of Kokera Village.
The Baiga have been under a barrage of hardships caused by the loss of moral and growth in apathy induced by losing touch with ones heritage. Baigas are continuously sent spiraling into identity crisis with no proper outreach except to other refugee communities that they may come across. One Baiga woman had told me that when her tribe was pushed out of Kanha village, they could not even pick up cooking utensils or harvest the crops that they are nurtured. While leaving behind their material possession they also inadvertently abandoned much of their non-material culture.
For all the adiwasi interviewed in the study, feudalism is a burdening issue in their lives. Many struggle to keep a hold of the land where their houses stand, and for those who strived to own farming grownd, the odds are stacked up even more against them. Most never get to own their own land, farm only on a contract basis, and for this are kept in cycle of poverty. Former inhabitants of Kanha village even less likely to own land since they had just settled here not long ago, but even those who have inhabited the plains for as long as anyone remembers, still do not own land. The Baiga inherited the land from their ancestors, long before any modern systems of land purchasing came around, yet they are treated as if the land was never theirs.
Those Baiga who are thriving in isolation have most likely never suffered the shock of displacement from their home land. They will often still be dressing, eating, working and practicing ceremonies in the same manner that their ancestors did. While still under fire from the Forest Department, those with strong resolve and courage , will continue to collect bamboos and medicinal plants, owing to a feeling of satisfaction and well-being.
Contact with Other Communities: From experience out in the field, many correlation surfaced between development and contact with other tribes. If a Baiga community had been living amongst or near to Gonds or any other tribe who had better knowledge of farming techniques on the plains, then they too would be more apt to learn to thrive in this environment. Baigas in contact with other tribes were also more likely to organize themselves under and participate in the local Panchayat, ensuring a share in the growth occuring around them.
Many Baiga who live amongst Gonds, will also pick up their cultural habits in dress, lifestyle and religious ceremonies. They often inadvertently trade in their rich traditions to be a part of the development process. No Indian tribe can be altogether unaffected by the prevailing Hindu civilization, yet little effect on Baiga mind, more influence on their material culture.
Sahid Ahbit, professor of sociology at Government Aryana Bharti Collage of Baihar, indicated that the origin of both tribes are the same but they consider themselves different origin. From a sociological standpoint the latter is sound. The Baigas and Gonda are diffentiated their development patterns as Gonds were living in plains and biagas were traditionally living in forest in most remote places. Baigas because of their nature would run away when they saw others. Farming techniques different, Biaga cultivating in the forest, slash nd burn, cut trees and burn and plant on burnt soil. He also theorized that the Baiga are not as willing to try new things, not willing to change, and have closed society, while the Gond have an open society. Field observations during my 20 day stay in Baihar certainly reinforced these ideas.
Panchiates: Because of central government schemes being implement in tribal areas for the welfare of tribe bc of scheme changes are taking place in garb of development. Those who have functioning panchayats, those who have no panchayats and those who have dysfunctional panchayats. The bribing, the campaign manipulation. Gonds are the only ones seeming to be in leadership positions.
Occupations: An outstanding percentage of the Baiga in Baihar still rely heavily on forest produce to sustain their livelihood. Bamboo is their primary resource which they use to build their houses, fences, tools, to create baskets, and to sell at markets as fans, baskets and in whole form to clients who will build housing with the stalks. Despite their natural preference for this trade, many are forced to seek menial labor locally and as migrants because of lack of access to bamboo groves.
The time surrounding independence remains obscure in relation to this county, yet many of the Baigas could offer their tales of mistreatment during the middle of the 20th Century. Older members of Mawala Village remember a time where they were made to work for no pay at the soon to be Kanha Wildlife preserve. Shukkal Singh attested that in 1965 they were forced into slavery by forest officials and then in 1970 they were pushed out to make way for the tiger preserve.
Out of the twelve villages that I made contact with during the study, five had been composed primarily of refugees from Kanha. All had varying socio-economic standings, but of the most destitute Baiga, their conditions could be attributed to extreme isolation and lack access to information as to inputs of empowerment. Illiteracy, economic vulnerability, and being by nature wary of the influence of other communities leaves a greater percentage of Baiga behind in terms of development. Others had insult added to injury when they came to settle in new lands only to be further exploited and subjugated by the communities around them, as was the case of Kokera Village.
The Baiga have been under a barrage of hardships caused by the loss of moral and growth in apathy induced by losing touch with ones heritage. Baigas are continuously sent spiraling into identity crisis with no proper outreach except to other refugee communities that they may come across. One Baiga woman had told me that when her tribe was pushed out of Kanha village, they could not even pick up cooking utensils or harvest the crops that they are nurtured. While leaving behind their material possession they also inadvertently abandoned much of their non-material culture.
For all the adiwasi interviewed in the study, feudalism is a burdening issue in their lives. Many struggle to keep a hold of the land where their houses stand, and for those who strived to own farming grownd, the odds are stacked up even more against them. Most never get to own their own land, farm only on a contract basis, and for this are kept in cycle of poverty. Former inhabitants of Kanha village even less likely to own land since they had just settled here not long ago, but even those who have inhabited the plains for as long as anyone remembers, still do not own land. The Baiga inherited the land from their ancestors, long before any modern systems of land purchasing came around, yet they are treated as if the land was never theirs.
Those Baiga who are thriving in isolation have most likely never suffered the shock of displacement from their home land. They will often still be dressing, eating, working and practicing ceremonies in the same manner that their ancestors did. While still under fire from the Forest Department, those with strong resolve and courage , will continue to collect bamboos and medicinal plants, owing to a feeling of satisfaction and well-being.
Contact with Other Communities: From experience out in the field, many correlation surfaced between development and contact with other tribes. If a Baiga community had been living amongst or near to Gonds or any other tribe who had better knowledge of farming techniques on the plains, then they too would be more apt to learn to thrive in this environment. Baigas in contact with other tribes were also more likely to organize themselves under and participate in the local Panchayat, ensuring a share in the growth occuring around them.
Many Baiga who live amongst Gonds, will also pick up their cultural habits in dress, lifestyle and religious ceremonies. They often inadvertently trade in their rich traditions to be a part of the development process. No Indian tribe can be altogether unaffected by the prevailing Hindu civilization, yet little effect on Baiga mind, more influence on their material culture.
Sahid Ahbit, professor of sociology at Government Aryana Bharti Collage of Baihar, indicated that the origin of both tribes are the same but they consider themselves different origin. From a sociological standpoint the latter is sound. The Baigas and Gonda are diffentiated their development patterns as Gonds were living in plains and biagas were traditionally living in forest in most remote places. Baigas because of their nature would run away when they saw others. Farming techniques different, Biaga cultivating in the forest, slash nd burn, cut trees and burn and plant on burnt soil. He also theorized that the Baiga are not as willing to try new things, not willing to change, and have closed society, while the Gond have an open society. Field observations during my 20 day stay in Baihar certainly reinforced these ideas.
Panchiates: Because of central government schemes being implement in tribal areas for the welfare of tribe bc of scheme changes are taking place in garb of development. Those who have functioning panchayats, those who have no panchayats and those who have dysfunctional panchayats. The bribing, the campaign manipulation. Gonds are the only ones seeming to be in leadership positions.
Occupations: An outstanding percentage of the Baiga in Baihar still rely heavily on forest produce to sustain their livelihood. Bamboo is their primary resource which they use to build their houses, fences, tools, to create baskets, and to sell at markets as fans, baskets and in whole form to clients who will build housing with the stalks. Despite their natural preference for this trade, many are forced to seek menial labor locally and as migrants because of lack of access to bamboo groves.
Gender Roles: As I have observed, most of the women are also doing the same work as the husband such as gathering bamboo, making bamboo products and even will be drinking Mahwua wine. Are these practices by the women for reasons of necessity for survival, or does this say something about the egalitarian nature of role of the sexes. Not as much of a patriarchal society as many other communities in India are in communities of Gond and Baiga the men and women both are equal to each other there is no domination both have freedom of their livelihood. In their society they are unaware with this word domination and discrimination. Their society is very simple, it is by their origin that the equality is working in their community and no other reason, their jobs are limited so they all do same work, help each other in their work.
Religious Ceremony: Of the communities living nearer to the town and amongst the Gond, many conducted ceremonies that seemed to be fusions of Hindu and animistic traditions. All villages made a reference to Nordurga celebration accept Somanapur, the most isolated and traditional village, who only spoke of nature worship and the rituals of their Gunia (Shaman). In two of the more developed communities of Adiwasi, there was the presence of a Mandir and a Punda, and during the last day of Nordurga we were able to witness the practice of offerings to a village Punda, the slaughter of a male goat and rooster, as well as a midnight ceremony in a small temple next to a pipal tree in which three men went mad while under the possession of animals/gods. This last ceremony occurred in the center of Singhbag village, in which the inhabitants which comprised of Baiga, Gond and OBCs. Most Baigas living in pure Baiga could offer little to do with any daily or habitual religious practice but had an inkling of recognizance of the spirituality of their ancestors.
Religious Ceremony: Of the communities living nearer to the town and amongst the Gond, many conducted ceremonies that seemed to be fusions of Hindu and animistic traditions. All villages made a reference to Nordurga celebration accept Somanapur, the most isolated and traditional village, who only spoke of nature worship and the rituals of their Gunia (Shaman). In two of the more developed communities of Adiwasi, there was the presence of a Mandir and a Punda, and during the last day of Nordurga we were able to witness the practice of offerings to a village Punda, the slaughter of a male goat and rooster, as well as a midnight ceremony in a small temple next to a pipal tree in which three men went mad while under the possession of animals/gods. This last ceremony occurred in the center of Singhbag village, in which the inhabitants which comprised of Baiga, Gond and OBCs. Most Baigas living in pure Baiga could offer little to do with any daily or habitual religious practice but had an inkling of recognizance of the spirituality of their ancestors.
Recreation: The one consistent recreationally activity is unquestionably the consumption of a strong wine made mahua fruits. Growing on trees that grow abundantly throughout the land, the fruits, are the same size and shape as grapes but a much different taste, are collected weekly and often made at home through a very primitive but ingenious fermenting and distilling process. Other than merry making through intoxication, Baiga will dance from time to time, when the spirit overtakes them, but are often too busy working or collecting bamboo to find time for revelry. Joy comes often from those who have access to the forest, as handcrafts fashioned from bamboo give Baigas great pleasure to create. Children of course are naturally inclined towards play and take up many games involving found objects.
Just as it need be man’s quest to preserve natural resources, habitat and wildlife, so should it be our quest to save the livelihood of the biomass people from an unnatural demise. The indigenous are not only relics from man’s past, those who we should cherish for their closeness to nature and humble ways, but they are also living breathing human beings who have the right to self-determination. It is most imperative that forests need be protected from the hands of corporations and loggers, not so much the tribes that have lived in harmony with their habitat for thousands of years. People who come to visit Baihar come to spend their money at Kanha tiger preserve, from which the forest department and government derives huge amounts of revenue, while the Baigas struggle for survival at the margins. While many areas in which Baigas have remained settled have received the benefit of welfare schemes and been a part of the development process, it seems that they have only received such handouts from the government for need of labor and harmony. The most vulnerable and downtrodden still must fight for survival with the scraps of forest products that they can manage, limited water resources and panchayats that can be corrupt and neglectful. The chapters found at the top of each page illustrate case studies of the struggles and triumphs of the Baiga at the margins of Baihar, Madhya Pradesh.